CIHM 
Microfiche 
Series 
(l\/lonograplis) 


ICI\1H 

Collection  de 
microfiches 
(monograph  ies) 


m 


Canadian  Instituta  for  Hitlorical  Mlcraraprodiictiona  /  Inttitut  Canadian  da  microraproductiont  hittoriquat 


1995 


Technical  and  Bibliographic  Notes  /  Notes  technique  at  bibliographiques 


The  Institute  has  attempted  to  obtain  the  best  original 
copy  available  for  filnning.  Features  of  this  copy  which 
may  be  bibliographically  unique,  which  may  alter  any  of 
the  images  in  the  reproduction,  or  which  may 
significantly  change  the  usual  method  of  filming  are 
checl<ed  below. 


D 


n 
n 


D 


Coloured  covers  / 
Couverture  de  couleur 


I     I  Covers  damaged  / 

' — '  Couverture  endommagee 

I     I  Covers  restored  and/or  laminated  / 

— '  Couverture  restauree  et/ou  pelllculee 

I     I  Cover  title  missing  /  Le  titre  de  couverture  manque 

I     I  Coloured  maps  /  Cartes  geographiques  en  couleur 

I     I  Coloured  ink  (i.e.  other  than  blue  or  black)  / 

—  Encre  de  couleur  (i.e.  autre  que  bleue  ou  noire) 

I     I  Coloured  plates  and/or  illustrations  / 

' — '  Planches  et/ou  illustrations  en  couleur 

I     I  Bound  with  other  material  / 

' — '  Relie  avec  d'autres  documents 


Only  edition  available  / 
Seule  edition  disponible 

Tight  binding  may  cause  shadows  or  distortion 
along  interior  margin  /  La  retiure  serree  peut 
causer  de  I'ombre  ou  de  la  distorsion  le  long  de 
la  marge  interieure. 

Blank  leaves  added  during  restorations  may  appear 
within  the  text.  Whenever  possible,  these  have 
been  omitted  from  filming  /  II  se  peut  que  certaines 
pages  blanches  ajoutees  lors  d'une  restauration 
apparaissent  dans  le  texte,  mais,  lorsque  cela  6tart 
possible,  ces  pages  n'ont  pas  ete  filmees. 


L'institut  a  microfilme  le  meilleur  examplaire  qu'il  lui  a 
ete  possible  de  se  procurer.  Les  details  de  cet  exem- 
plaire  qui  sont  peut-etre  uniques  du  point  de  vue  bibli- 
ographique,  qui  peuvent  modifier  une  image  reproduite, 
ou  qui  peuvent  exiger  une  modifications  dans  la  meth- 
ode  normale  de  filmage  sont  indiques  ci-dessous. 

I     I      Coloured  pages  /  Pages  de  couleur 

I     1      Pages  damaged  /  Pages  endommagees 

I     j      Pages  restored  and/or  laminated  / 
—      Pages  restaurees  el/ou  pelliculees 


0 


Pages  discoloured,  stained  or  foxed  / 
Pages  decolorees.  tachetees  ou  piquees 


I     I     Pages  detached  /  Pages  d^tachees 

r^    Showthrough  /  Transparence 

I     I      Quality  of  print  varies  / 

' — '      Qualite  inegale  de  I'impression 

I     I      Includes  supplementary  material  / 

Comprend  du  materiel  supplementaire 

I  I  Pages  wholly  or  partially  obscured  by  errata 
' — '  slips,  tissues,  etc.,  have  been  returned  to 
ensure  the  best  possible  image  /  Les  pages 
totalement  ou  partiellemenl  obscurcies  par  un 
feuillet  d'errata,  une  pelure.  etc.,  ont  ete  filmees 
a  nouveau  de  fa(on  i  obtenir  la  meilleure 
image  possible. 

j  I  Opposing  pages  with  varying  colouration  or 
I — '  discolourations  are  filmed  twice  to  ensure  the 
best  possible  image  /  Les  pages  s'opposant 
ayant  des  colorations  variables  ou  des  decol- 
orations sont  filmees  deux  fois  afin  d'obtenir  la 
meilleur  image  possible. 


□ 


Additional  comments  / 
Commentaires  supplemenlaires: 


This  ttem  is  f  Hmtd  at  th«  rtduction  ratio  chacktd  below/ 

Ce  documtnt  est  fi\mi  au  taux  de  reduction  indJque  C(-de»ous. 

lax  14X  18X 


a^xxD 


Th*  copy  filmed  n«r«  hu  bmn  raproduod  thanks 
to  th*  ganarowty  at: 

National  Library  of  Canada 


L'axamplair*  tilmt  tut  raptoduil  grict  t  la 
gtnAroiit*  da: 

Bibliothequa  nationala  du  Canada 


Tha  imagaa  appaanng  hara  ara  tha  bait  quality 
poMibIa  conaidaring  tha  condition  and  lagibillty 
of  tha  original  copy  and  in  kaaping  with  tha 
filming  contract  apacificationa. 


Laa  imagat  tuivantat  ont  aia  raproduiiat  avac  la 
plus  grand  soin,  compta  tsnu  aa  la  conauion  ti 
da  la  nanat*  da  I'axamplaira  tilma,  at  an 
contormit*  avac  laa  conditions  du  contrat  da 
tilmaga. 


Onginal  copias  in  printad  papar  covars  ara  lllmad 
baginning  with  tha  front  covar  and  ending  on 
tha  last  paga  with  a  printad  or  illustrated  impraa- 
sion.  or  tha  back  cover  when  appropriate.  All 
other  original  copies  are  filmed  beginning  on  tha 
first  page  with  a  printed  or  illustrated  impras- 
sion.  and  ending  on  the  lest  page  wiih  e  printed 
or  illustrated  impression. 


The  last  recorded  frame  on  each  microfiche 
shall  contain  the  symbol  —»  ''"••"'"'?.^„„..,' 
TINUED").  or  the  symbol  V  Imeaning    EMU  I. 
whichever  appliaa. 

ti«laps,  plates,  charts,  etc.,  may  be  filmed  at 
different  reduction  ratios.  Those  too  large  to  be 
entirely  included  in  one  exposure  ara  filmed 
beginning  in  the  upper  left  hand  corner,  left  to 
right  and  top  to  bottom,  as  many  frames  as 
required.  The  following  diagrams  illustrate  the 
method: 


Las  axemplairas  originaux  dont  la  couvarture  an 
papier  est  imprimOe  sont  filmSs  en  commencant 
par  la  premier  plat  at  an  terminant  soil  par  la 
darniare  paga  qui  compona  une  amprainie 
d'impraasion  ou  d'illustraiion.  soit  par  la  second 
plat,  salon  la  cas.  Tous  las  autras  axemplairas 
originaux  sont  filmSs  en  commencant  par  la 
pramitra  paga  qui  compone  une  empreinte 
d'impression  ou  d'illustration  at  an  terminant  par 
la  darni*ra  paga  qui  compona  una  taila 
amprointo, 

Un  da*  symbolas  suivants  spparaitra  sur  la 
darni*ra  image  da  cheque  microfiche,  salon  la 
cas:  la  symbola  — »  signifia  "A  SUIVHE".  le 
symbola  V  signifia  "FIN", 

Las  cartaa.  planches,  tableaux,  etc..  pauvant  atra 
filmte  *  daa  taux  da  reduction  diffarents, 
Lorsqua  I*  document  est  trop  grand  pour  atra 
raproduit  an  un  seul  clich*,  il  est  films  «  panir 
da  I'angia  suptriaur  gauche,  da  gauche  S  aroiia, 
at  da  haut  en  bas.  an  prenant  la  nomOre 
d'imagas  n*cessaira,  Les  diagrammas  suivants 
lllustrant  la  mOlheda, 


1  2  3 


1  2  3 

456 


MIOtOCOPY    RESO'UTION    TfST   CHART 

(ANSI  ond  ISO  TEST  CMABT  No    2] 

1.0 

MS.  ■"     ■■' 

= — 

It  "^  II " 

III  >•! 

t  "^  111= 

1-  ^ 

111^= 

lltt 

III  1.25  II 

1-4     |||||J£ 

^:     --IPPLIED  IM/IBE     Inc 

Mail   Slreel 

N.«   ■■>rk         itfiOS       1..-^ 

-  OJOO  -  Phon» 

-  5989  -  fa. 

ADDRESSES 

DKI.lVKRnu   BEFORF. 

THE  LAWYERS  CLUB 

NEW  YORK 

Cl\     fin;    SIIIJF.CT   OF 

THE  CENTENNIAL  OF  THE 

RUSH-BAGOT  AGREEMENT 
OF  1817 

By 

Sir  EDMUND  WALKER 

and 

Sir  CHARLES   FITZPATRICK 


SATURDAY.  MARCH  17th,  1917 


The  Lawyers  Club 

One  HLNDRri)  and  Fifteen  Hroauw  \s 
New  York  City 


William  Ai.r.EN  Cutleh,  Fn-siihiit 

Alton  B.  Parkkh.  Vice-Frcsidcnt  RontRT  C  Mokris.  rice-Pn-sidc.t 

R.  (i.  llABnAdE,  Secretary 

D.  M.  Fellows.  Tn-asurcr 

HhwiN  J.  Beineckk.  Chairman  llonu    Com.nlttee 

BOARD   OF  GOVERNORS 


II.  S.  Black 
R.  (i.  Babbage 
VVh.  Allen  Butler 
HlXJAR  M.  Cullen 
W'm.  C.  Demurest 
John-  Hays  Hammond 
I-'hnest  Hall 
Job  E.  Hedges 
Charles  Evans  Hughes 


Ge(iI{i;e  L.  Inchaiia; 
Kobf;rt  C.  Mokkis 
Pehley  Mokse 
Ormsiiy  McHaw; 
George  McAniny 
Morgan  J.  O'Bkie.v 
Alton  B.  Parklk 
Inirx  B.  SiANCHrr;  i. 
.L)HN  A.  Stiwaht 


COMMITTEE  ON   MEETINGS  AND   SPEAKKRS 


Ormsby  McHarc, 

C' airman 

Perley  Morse, 

Secretary 

William  Allen  Butler, 

President  of  the  Club  (ex  officio) 
Dean  Emery 
William    Forster 
Alfred  W.  Kiddle 
W.  A.  Mitchell 
RonEKT  C.  Morris 


Chester  DEWriT  Pcusuy 
A.  H.  Spencer 
John  A.  Stewart 
Walter   B.   Walkfr 
Henry  A.  Wise 
Eugene  C.  Wokden 


CENTENNIAL  OF  THE 

Rush  Bagot  Agreement  of  1817 


MEETING  OF 


THE  LAWYERS  CLUB 

Saturday,  March  17th,  1917 

12:45  P.  M. 


A.  H,  SPENCER,  Esq.,  Presiding. 


WILLIAM  ALLEN  BUTLER,  Esq.,  President  of  The  Lawyers 
Club:  ' 

Members  OF  the  Lawyers  Club,  Sir  Charles  Fitzpatrick, 
biR  Edmund  Walker,  Ladies  akd  Gentlemen  : 

VVe  are  alwajs  encouraged  to  see  the  ladies  interested  in  the 
serious  questions  that  are  appealing  to  the  lawyers  and  other  citi- 
zens to-day.  A  year  ago  this  club,  actuated  by  a  strong  patriotic 
impulse,  invited  The  Right  Honorable  Sir  Robert  Laird  Borden, 
Premier  of  Canada,  to  become  one  of  our  honorary  members 
VVe  were  desirous  of  expressing  our  admiration  of  the  loyalty  and 
splendid  devotion  of  Canada  to  the  mother  countrv  When  Sir 
Robert,  speaking  of  the  effect  of  the  war  upon  Canada  and  re- 
ferring to  his  compatriots,  said ; 

"Involved  in  the  most  terrible  struggle  that  liumanity  has 

ever  known— a  struggle  in  which  we  have  taken  part  of  our 

own  free  will  and  because  v  e  recognize  the  world-compelling 

consideration  which  its  issui.s  involve — the  events  of  the  past 

two  y.    rs  have  brought  both  a  lesson  and  an  inspiration." 

Sjnce  Sir  Robert  spoke  those  words  four  months  have  passed. 

Thi  i_anadians  are  surpassing  all  previous  records,  fighting  with 

•nagnificent  enthusiasm  for  those  everlasting  principles  of  Justice, 

Liberty  and  Humanity,  as  vital  to  us  as  they  are  to  them. 


Uncni  events  have  caused  »om.-  of  uh  f.  a^k  ihe  nuestion: 
Miniild  '  anaila  and  the  Allies  lose,  where  d,i  we  stand'  Our  in- 
terests are  ulentical.  At  last,  Ih.inlc  God.  we  are  tlu.n.aRhl,  aliv. 
to  the  fact  that  life  would  m,t  he  worth  living  i,i  Cana.la  or  in 
this  couiilry  under  German  ideals. 

Honnreil  Ruests  from  Canada,  in  order  that  you  may  all 
know  where  we  stand  here  in  \ew  \'ork  and  that  we  are  all  wak- 
inc  up  to  the  conditions  that  confront  us.  1  will  read  to  you  a 
declaration  that  is  heing  signed  to-day  by  the  members  of  this 
Uuh  and  hy  thousands  ami  thousands  of  our  fellow  citizens  It 
IS  addressed  to  the  President  of  the  I'liited  States. 

■As  an  American,  faithful  to  American  ideals  of  iustiee 
hherty  and  humanity,  and  confident  that  the  (iovcrnment  has 
exerted  Its  most  earnest  elTorts  to  kee,.  us  at  |K'acc  with  the 
"or  d,  I  hereby  declare  mv  absolute  and  unconditional  loyalty 
to  the  Government  of  the  United  .States  and  pledge  mv'sun- 
port  to  you  in  protecting  American  rights  against  unlawful 
violence  u,,on  laml  and  sea,  in  guarding  the  nation  against 
hostile  attacks  and  in  upholding  international  right." 

Ncarh  a  million  ,.f  the  citizen.s  of  the  United  St.ites  have 
already  signerl  tins  petition  and  I  am  informed  by  his  Ib,nor  the 
Mayor  that  within  a  week  it  will  be  signed  hv  two  per  cent  of  our 
total  population. 

Til*  te.\t  of  this  meeting  is  the  Rush-Iiagot  Agreement,  of 
just  exactly  one  hundred  years  ago.  Cana<la  and  the  United 
States  ha\e  li\ed  for  a  century  in  peace.  It  is  tlic  greatest  illus- 
tration in  histori-  that  such  a  -elationship  can  exist.  It  would 
seem,  therefore,  to  follow  that  the  United  States  and  Canada 
standing  together  in  the  defense  of  ideals  common  to  both  coun- 
tries, could  overcome  any  nation  on  the  eastern  continent. 

The  Right  Honorable  Sir  Charles  I-ilziiatrick.  Chief  Jus- 
tice of  the  Supreme  Court  at  Ottawa,  is  higlily  esteemed  in  his 
own  country  as  a  learned  and  fearless  judge.  In  VNashington 
his  decisions  command  respect,  as  thev  do  also  in  the  courts  of 
our  own  state.  He  is  a  welcome  and  honored  gutit  whenever  he 
crosses  the  border.  I  am  sure  that  he  follows  our  aiTairs  with 
great  interest. 

Sir  Edmund  Walker,  from  his  long  residence  in  Xew  York 
as  agent  of  the  Canadian  Bank  of  Commerce,  is  well  known  to 
many  here  present.  Sir  Edmund  has  the  title  of  Commander  of 
Ihe  /ictorian  Order,  and  I.I.  D.  of  a  Can.idian  University;  a 
great  contributor  to  financial  literature  ant'  is  recognized  in 
Canada  as  one  of  the  leaders  in  finance. 


II  is  ll„;  iTcrnKalivc  „r  Mr.  A.  H.  Sik-ik-.t,  «h.,  is  chairnn.. 


A.  H.  SI'ENCER,  ICsq 

Tlie  lawyers  (lul,  i,„i.-,y  i,  I,„„  ,„  „  ^,«„||^.  ..„„,.,,.„..      , 

"1.  liiitlLr.     U,.  h.uc  w.il,  us,  ,n  a.l<lii„m,  some  wlin.o  i,  i,„c, 
1  will  licrcwith  name  them.  »">•■"■ 

\W  have,  in  ad.lilion  lo  Sir  fliarliv,  lii^nairick  -iiicl  '^ir  I.,! 

.Mini.sterof    he  IWiiuenl    Quebec,  al ,„  Dr.  C  W   Colbv   Pro- 
fessor of  Hi.st,)ry  in  .McCii      -niversity.  '' 

And.  let  mu  a.W.  «,■  I  ..e  also  with  us  the  Consuls  General 
from  Japan,  Italy,  r-ince.  kus.,ia.  i.,„frla„,l  ami  ilelRium.  I  with 
h'>l  Bclgmm  until  the  last  f.,r  the  obvious  reasoi,  that  t  may 
be  the  last  note  ui  this  sunnlmny.  ^ 

the  feast,  let  me  al-o  say  that  we  h.ue  with  ..  Udy  Fitznatricic 
and  Lady  Gouin.     You  are  now  all  aoquainle.l,     ^     "^P^tnck 

N'nw,  gentlemen  of  The  I.awvers  Club  and  quests  it  is  „rorx-r 

tend  our  welcome  ,,iM  Ins  to  our  Canadian  friends.  I  ha%-e  the 
Pleasure  of  mtroducn;.  His  Honor  the  Mayor  of  the  C  ty  of 
New  York,  the  Honorable   lohn  Purrov  Mitchel  ^ 


THE  MAYOR  OF  THE  CITY  OF  NEW  YORK: 

Mr.  Chairman,  Sir  Charles  Fitzpatrick,  Sir  Edmund 
Walker,  Ladies  and  Gentlemen; 

It  is  my  very  grateful  duty  to  extend  the  cordial  welcome  of 
the  City  of  New  York  to  our  distinguished  guests  of  honor  and 
to  our  other  many  guests  and  friends  from  Canada,  and  to  say 
to  them  that  New  York  is  most  happy  to  have  them  here  within 
its  confines  and  to  be  able  to  extend  to  them  the  assurance  of 
the  cordial  feeling  of  fellowship  that  exists  between  the  people 
of  this  city  and  the  people  of  this  whole  country  toward  the  people 
of  Canada.  There  are  a  great  many  evil  results,  Mr.  Chairman, 
that  may  possibly  flow  from  the  threatened  railroad  strike  that 
is  likely  to  be  declared  to-night ;  but  we  may  look  upon  it  with 
less  apprehension  from  the  fact  that  it  may  possibly  keep  our 
guests  with  us  a  little  longer. 

In  add'tion  to  this  tribute  of  esteem  to  the  two  guests  of 
honor  and  to  the  other  guests,  this  meeting,  as  I  understand  it, 
is  called  also  to  commemorate  the  one  hundredth  anniversary  of 
the  treaty  between  the  United  States  and  Canada  that  provides 
against  fortifications  upon  our  national  boundaries  and  against 
the  maintenance  of  a  navy  upon  the  Great  Lakes.  That  was  be- 
cause the  people  of  Canada  and  the  people  of  the  United  Stat' s 
recognized  a  hundred  years  ago  that  there  was  a  sympathy  of 
ideals,  a  community  of  purpose,  a  likeness  in  the  character  of 
government  and  i.t  the  aims  and  the  objects  of  the  two  people 
sufficient  to  make  it  not  only  improbable  but  practically  impossible 
that  these  two  countries  would  ever  have  need  to  defend  them- 
selves against  each  other.  It  seems  to  me  that  that  lies  in  the 
fundamental  fact  that  they  are  both  essentially  democracies,  that 
they  have  these  common  ideals  of  democracy  and  that  there  is 
no  likelihood  that  in  democracies  such  as  these  there  will  ever 
develop  a  spirit  of  aggression  against  a  neighbor  that  would  ever 
raise  a  necessity  for  the  protection  of  the  one  against  the  other 
in  the  future.  We,  too,  have  reason  to-day,  as  we  have  had 
through  many  a  month  past,  to  congratulate  Canada  upon  what 
she  has  achieved  during  these  two  years  and  a  half.  We  have 
seen  Canada  gradually  assembling  her  resources,  gradually  organ- 
izing the  power  of  the  country  and  marshaling  it  for  the  defense 
of  the  interests  of  the  country  and  for  the  maintenance  of  her 
ideals.  We  have  seen  Canada,  in  short,  preparing  herself  for 
war;  and,  though  we  have  seen  her  preparing  herself,  there 
has  been  nothing  in  the  slightest  degree  in  that  in  the  way  of  a 
threat  against  the  peace  or  the  interests  of  the  United  States; 
but  only  has  there  been  occasion  to  congratulate  Canada  upon 
the  success  with  which  she  has  met  this  issue  that  was  thrust 
upon  her  and  the  completeness  with  which  she  has  been  able  to 
organize  and  to  prepare  and  to  train  her  people  to  carry  their 

6 


s^  r  °Vl  *  S™'  ''""''«":  ^"'I  '°-day  Canada  sees  the  United 
States  about  to  undertake,  in  all  human  probabilly  the  same 
kind  of  a  task-the  task  of  gathering  her  national  resources  to 

f^  and  cSaTat 't'hi?  T^^Tf""'  ""=■"  t°  -etTs," ifa 
issue,  ana  Canada  m  that  fact  finds  no  suesestion  nf  a  thr.-.* 

agamst  the  peace  or  the  security  of  Canada,  !|a  f  for  the  rea7o„ 

that  the  purposes.  a,ms  and  ideals  of  the  two  fountries  are  alik" 

We  have  a  great  deal  lO  learn  of  the  lesson  of  self-sacrifice 

tF.'r'i'''l"?  ''?™  °*  '"^  possibilities  of  the  devetop  ng  of  a 

U  ks  tharclTd','' r°""'T  ""  J^"^"  '°'  P^='"'  f™™  'he  great 
tasks  that  Canada  has  performed  and  must  yet  perform      We 

dc!d''JdVff,'V''  'f '"•  '°°'/™'"  'heVobTemsThat  L 
faced  and  the  difficulties  she  met,  of  what  a  people  in  preparine 
for  war  must  expect  to  have  to  do  before  they  can  become  ore^ 
SLnf  -T  1"'-  '""^-  "'"^  '^  "°  '"'°"  that  should  s'nk  more 
-th^  TJ^nrTl"''  °*  "'"■  ^r"'""  P^°P'=  *^"  this  lesson 
^,inLnr=nT  '^.u"''  "  ""'^^■"ed.  without  muuitious,  without 
equipment  ai^d  without  men  prepared,  is  not  ready  for  an  issue 
such  as  this  that  has  confronted  Canada  and  may  sh'^rt"  con  ont 
the  people  of  the  United  States.  ^  <.u"ironc 

We  heard  only  yesterday  from  the  Ambassador  who  has  so 
efficiently  represented  this  nation  at  the  capital  of  the  German 
Empire  that  in  his  opinion  the  onlv  thing  that  ,vi  1  prepare  the 
United  States  to  meet  the  issue  that  he  sees  coming  is  to  be  will  ng 
to  sacnfice-for  the  people  to  be  willing  to  sacrifice-theiTcon? 
venience,    their   leisure   and   their   comfort   enough    to     mpose 

XL  wT  ""^  '^r""u°^  ""'^"^"I  ■"i'itary^raTninrand 
service      Well,  some  of  us  have  been  preaching  that  for  two 

fhe  publrc'lSr.""^  '"  '  ''-""-''-  ^-^  -  ^^  '- 

Mr.  Chairman,  that  is  one  of  the  great  difficulties  with  a 

foTom^t^'the'  """'  '^V  ''''"  '■  '°"^''""'  f-  PublTc  opinion 
Th^^Ll.  ?PP°'''  °J  P/ogressive  and  constructive  measures. 
Ihe  people  must  learn  the  facts,  and  that  takes  time.  Then  they 
must  assimilate  them  and  they  must  be  able  to  interpret  them 
stlTS  th^'''  P'T'"  f  J.*;^  ""■'^'^  States  have  come^to  unSe" 
TJl.h  •'?°'''^  "'  •"?"  """fy  »■•«  unprepared  for  war; 

that  they  are  without  munitions,  without  equipment,  without  evei^ 
mdustry  organized  to  meet  the  exigencies  of  war.  Now  they  are 
coming  to  interpret  those  facts  and  the  lessons  and  experiences 
of  Europe,  and  to  understand  that  they  must  adopt  this  measure— 
the  only  one  that  is  suited  to  life  in  a  democracy-which  lays  the 
obligations  of  military  service  to  the  country  on  every  man  of  the 
republic  alike  on  rich  and  poor  and  high  and  low  and  asks  no 
man  to  go  out  and  render  to  his  country  a  service  that  another 
man  can  shirk.    And  I  was  struck,  too,  by  the  other  statement 


of  Ambassador  Gerard  that  after  two  years  of  absence  he  was 
shocked  to  come  back  to  this  country  and  to  find  that  practically 
nothing  as  yet  had  been  actually  accomplished  toward  preparing 
the  United  States  for  war.  We  have  had  appropriation  bills  and 
we  have  had  plans  formulated,  but  in  its  fundamentals,  that  state- 
ment of  Ambassador  Gerard  is  true,  that  this  country  at  this 
moment  is  almost  as  unprepared  for  war  as  it  was  on  the  first  of 
August,  1914.  when  this  great  European  conflict  broke  out. 

It  is  for  us.  sir,  inspired,  if  you  will,  by  the  example  of  the 
men  and  the  women  of  Canada,  to  prepare  ourselves  now  and 
to  demonstrate  to  the  world  that  the  people  of  a  democracy  are 
not  so  wholly  self-centered  in  individual  wealth,  in  the  individual 
pursuit  of  happiness,  that  they  are  not  willing  to  make  that  little 
sacrifice  that  entails  a  brief  period  of  service  of  the  youth  of  the 
countr}',  at  a  time  when  the  economic  burden  will  not  be  heavy, 
and  so  to  set  up  that  national  insurance  against  disaster  that  in 
private  business  would  be  considered  but  a  very  low  premium 
to  pay  for  the  result. 

And  this  is  what  we  must  do,  we  of  the  United  States,  if 
we  would  carry  the  obligation  that  is  laid  upon  us  in  onr  trustee- 
ship of  these  great  principles  and  institutions  of  democracy  wfiich 
v.'c,  sir,  inherited  here,  because  that  dnty  rests  upon  us  m-Te  tli:m 
any  other  people  in  this  day  and  at  this  time.  If  we  --voild  dis- 
charge that  duty  and  earn,'  that  obligation  we  must  be  p-epared 
to  make  that  demonstration  to  the  world  and,  sir,  I  submit  that 
in  our  <loing  so,  and  in  Canada's  doing  so,  which  has  already 
been  accomplished,  as  I  said  before  there  is  no  conceivable  threat 
involved  against  the  peace  or  the  interests  of  the  other  country. 

Canada  and  the  United  States  both  preparing  to  defend  their 
ideals,  their  national  and  their  international  ideals  against  attack, 
will  never  constitute  a  threat  against  each  other,  because  both 
countries  are  inspired  by  the  same  ideals,  actuated  by  the  same 
motives,  and  have  the  same  ultimate  purposes  in  view. 


A.  H.  SPENCER,  Esq.: 

Among  those  whom  we  had  invited  to  attend  this  meeting 
was,  very  naturally,  the  Chief  Justice  of  the  United  States 
Supreme  Court.  \Ve  realized  that  it  was  doubtful  whether  lie 
could  leave  his  affairs  at  this  juncture,  when  there  are  \ery  many 
important  questions  confronting  the  Supreme  Court;  and,  there- 
fore, regretting  that  he  is  not  here,  I  will  read  the  letter  which 
has  been  received  from  Chief  Justice  White: 

8 


"Your  kind  letter  of  March  8tli  lias  remained  unreplied  to 
because  of  the  particular  pressure  on  my  time  at  the  moment 
of  Its  receipt. 

'X°",^'^^  ^^"7  kind  to  ask  mc  to  be  present  at  a  luncheon 
at  The  Lawyers  Club  in  the  City  of  Xew  York  on  March 
17th  next,  when  the  Club  is  to  have  the  privilege  and  pleasure 
of  hearing  Sir  Charles  Fitzpatrick,  and  requesting  if  I  can 
not  myself  come  that  I  might  assign  one  of  my  brethren  to 
that  agreeable  duty. 

"So  far  as  the  first  request  is  concerned,  I  am  very  re- 
luctantly obliged  to  say  that  my  public  duties  absolutelv  ex- 
clude the  possibility  of  my  coming  to  New  York  on  the  day 
stated.  As  to  the  second,  I  am  wholly  without  authority 
over  my  brethren  to  do  as  you  are  good  enough  to  ask  me 
to  do.  Moreover,  even  if  this  latter  were  not  the  ca=e  as 
1  know  that  their  duties  are  equally  as  onerous  as  mine  I 
should  dishke  much  to.  indeed  could  not,  set  the  example 
of  asking  them  to  be  absent. 

"Trusting  that  the  meeting  mav  be  as  agreeable  as  I  am 
sure  It  will  prove  to  be,  and  thanking  the  Club  for  its  in- 
vitation and  yourself  for  the  kind  manner  in  which  yon  have 
conveyed  it,  I  am, 

"Very  truly  yours, 

"E.  D.  White." 
The  conduct  of  the  financial  affairs  of  this  country  is  not 
confined  entirely  to  those  whose  names  are  immediately  familiar 
to  jou  in  this  particular  circle.  Among  those  institutions  which 
are  world-wide  in  their  influence  is  The  Canadian  Bank  of  Com- 
merce, and  among  those  who  are  well  known  in  banking  circles 
and  in  similar  environment  all  over  the  world  is  our  next  speaker. 
Now,  in  connection  with  Sir  Edmund  Walker,  I  have  in  my 
notes  a  page  of  single  spaced  type  in  which  are  mentioned  the 
several  and  various  positions  of  honor  and  trust  which  Sir  Fd- 
nuind  has  occupied.  As  this  is  onlv  a  lawyers'  club  and  not  a 
society  of  statistical  engineers,  I  will  omit  the  majority  of  these 
references  and  merely  mention  a  few,  as  my  eye  happens  to  catch 
them  in  going  down  the  list. 

The  first  is  that  Sir  Edmund  entered  the  office  of  his  uncle, 
a  private  banker,  in  1861.  when  he  was  less  than  thirteen  years 
old.^  You  see  he  has  been  handlini;  dollars  for  some  time.  I 
don't  know  whether  he  commenced  earlier  than  that  with  the 
cents,  but  I  suspect  it. 

I  see  that  he  also  lays  some  emphasis  upon  the  fact — or, 
rather,  emphasis  is  laid  upon  the  fact— that  he  became  Honorary 

9 


President  of  the  Mendelssohn  Choir  at  the  time  of  its 
foundation  in  1900,  and  is  still  in  office— "the  leading  choir  in 
Amenca  —it  is  called  in  parentheses.  May  I  not  mention  in 
passing  that  we  have  a  Mendelssohn  Glee  Club  here  which  is 
some  choir  too;  Chairman  of  the  Commission  on  Money  and 
Credit  of  the  St.  Louis  Exposition;  Commander  of  the  Victorian 
Order,  1908;  Knight  Bachelor,  1910;  and  Knight  of  Grace,  Order 
of  the  Hospital  of  St.  John  of  Jerusalem,  in  England,  loio  And 
as  I  go  along,  I  find  mentioned :  Fellow  of  the  Geological  Society 
of  England;  Institute  of  Bankers  of  England;  Royal  Economic 
Society  of  England;  Royal  Colonial  Institute  of  England  and 
Koyal  Society  of  Canada,  etc.,  etc.,  etc. 

I  have  great  pleasure  in  introducing  Sir  Edmund  Walker. 


10 


ADDRESS  OF 
SIR  EDiMUND  WALKER 
Mr.  Chairman,  Ladies  and  Gentlemen  : 

.n  1^^  ^1u  ^"'  *''"''  ,*""  ™"f<="<=d  on  me,  or  is  about  to  do 
so  one  of  the  greatest  honors  that  has  come  to  me  in  my  life 
Hnes  ZJhlt'"°''\ir"  assure  you,  by  the  spirit  oflnd! 
imess  which  has  prompted  such  a  generous  action      After  an 

f,,?.?-'"'"  °^r'^  "'^"  "'>-fi™  y'"=.  =!''"«  in  bus  nefs  affairs 
mvo  vmg  residence  on  one  side  or  the  other  of  the  Great  Lakes- 
I  believe  we  are  to  devote  this  afternoon  to  the  Great  Lake  - 
It  would  be  strange  indeed  if  I  were  not  moved  by  such  a  mark 
of  friendship,  especially  when  my  memory  goes  back  for  thfrtv 
years   0  the  time  when  Mr.  Butle'r  and  I  L%  fellow  town  me/ 
and  his  honored  father  was  one  of  the  great  figures  which  im 
pressed  my  Canadian  mind  with  the  character  and  the  inte llectu" 
vigor  of  the  leading  lawyers  of  your  country.     You  w  11  there 
dav'  Zp"""^  how  deeply  touched  I  am  that  he  should  be  to- 
g?Jat  honor  ^°^^  "'"'''  ''^'='  '°  <»°  "^  ^"^h  » 

Sir  Charles  Fitzpatrick  is  to  speak  to  you  about  the  Rush- 
Bagot  Agreement  and  it  occurred  to  me  that  I  could  not  do 
better  than  to  say  a  few  words  as  to  what  the  Great  Lakes  have 
meant  to  all  of  us.  I  am  a  little  timid  about  saying  very  much^ 
after  the  splendid  ideas  which  have  flown  from  th?  MaVor  and 
when  we  are  all  conscious  that  this  country  is  facing  a  moment 
of  vast  importance.  I  will,  however,  ask  yl  to  forg^ thegre" 
war  m  Europe  for  a  short  time  and  to  give  your  attention  to 
bating  '°"  ""'"^  ""  """""'"'  "•^'^h  ^^  are  now  cele- 

It  would  be  more  than  strange  if  a  long  life  divided  between 
n^TZr^T""  '"•?'"'  '"/='y  '"  international  business  haS 
X^^I^ftt'^^r'^  1  •^'■°'°™''  conviction  of  the  value  of 
the  Great  Lakes  no  merely  in  our  separate  national  development 
but  ,n  our  international  relations.  I  am  amused  that  reference 
has  been  made  to  my  being  a  Fellow  of  the  Geological  SocTety 
of  England,  but  I  hope  you  will  not  be  alarmed  by  what  I  am 
fe  Gr  at'Ske  '  Th"  ^""-/^^'"'''e  that  we  should  understand 
^,  fSnl.  \,  I^V^'}  Lan^ntian  upland  of  North  America, 

Its  flanks  covered  by  hundreds  of  feet  of  palaeozoic  strata  from 

IrnH.^  "^''u""?'i  '"■  "'"  <^'°=«  "'  'he  Devonian  .system,  alreX 
eroded  and  altered  during  a  vast  range  of  time,  presented  to  the 
seas  formed  by  the  retirfng  ice  sheet  and  the  glaciers  connected 
therewith,  a  series  of  difficulties.  Thus,  while  the  course  of  what 
eventually  became  the  Great  Lakes  followed  as  usual  the  genera 
line  of  the  lower  lands  and  the  weaker  strata,  it  was  so  influenced 
by  barriers  of  drift,  by  crustal  warpings,  by  the  great  Nia^ra 
II 


escariimtnt  wliich  divides  tlie  area  and  by  otiier  obstructions, 
that  the  resulting  conditions  are  profoimdiy  different  from  those 
of  the  pre-g!acial  era,  and  whether  tliesc  geological  facts  interest 
us  or  not,  it  is  due  to  them  that  we  ha\c  thus  become  the  in- 
heritors not  only  of  the  enormous  glaciated  area  on  which  our 
agriculture  is  based,  but  of  half  the  fresh  water  of  the  globe. 

However  dramatic  may  have  been  tlie  efforts  of  Mother 
Earth  in  adjusting  her  shrinking  robe  in  the  distant  past,  we  are 
apt  to  think  she  has  now  finally  settled  the  matter,  hut  unfor- 
tunately, as  geologists  know,  she  is  never  still,  and  if  the  present 
tilting  of  the  land  in  a  southwesterly  direction  at  the  rate  of  about 
six  inches  in  a  century  goes  on,  Chicago  will  be  submerged  and 
eventually  the  waters  of  our  precious  possessions,  the  Great 
Lakes,  will  reach  the  ocean  via  the  Mississippi.  But  the  earth 
may  change  its  mind  before  that  happens  and  decide  upon  a  tilt 
in  the  other  direction. 

What  our  inland  seas  meant  to  Champlain  when,  after  making 
his  toilsome  way  up  the  rapids  of  the  St.  Lawrence  he  first  saw 
Lake  Ontario ;  or  what  they  meant  to  La  Salle  when  he  found 
that  he  must  build  another  ship  at  the  head  of  the  Niagara  escarp- 
ment in  order  to  navigate  the  second  great  sea.  Lake  Erie,  or 
what  they  meant  to  later  Frenchmen  who  thought  that  Lake 
Superior  was  surely  the  Pacific  and  the  long-sought  road  to  China, 
we  can  but  faintly  imagine. 

It  is  conceivable  that  but  for  the  little  misunderstanding 
which  caused  the  greatest  republic  the  world  has  ever  known  to 
be  created,  these  wonderful  expanses  of  fresh  water  might  have 
been  within  the  boundaries  of  one  great  state,  but  after  the 
American  revolution  they  became  instead  the  dividing  line  be- 
tween two  vast  territories,  and  the  settlers  scattered  here  and 
there  along  their  borders  felt  that  only  the  water  between  kept 
them  from  flying  at  each  others'  throats.  The  petty  quarrel  at 
Sackett's  Harbor,  the  shooting  of  an  Indian  on  the  Detroit  River 
are  small  event-  in  themselves,  but  for  matters  as  trifling  as  thesi" 
nations  have  warr .  .1  with  each  other  from  time  immemorial.  The 
irritable  condition  along  the  border  following  the  war  of  1812 
caused  Mr.  .\dams  to  propose  that  peace  on  these  lakes  should 
be  secured  by  the  simple  process  of  not  allowing  instruments  of 
warfare  to  exist  upon  the  lakes,  but  he  can  iiardly  have  dreamed 
how  important  would  be  the  consequences  of  the  agreement  re- 
sulting from  his  proposal.  Who  could  have  foretold  that  the 
wild  St.  Marj-'s  Falls  beside  the  fur-trader's  depot  and  the  Indian 
camps  at  Point  Iroquois,  'vould  be  replaced  by  canals  through 
which  there  passes  a  tonnage  so  enormous  that  they  constitute 
one  of  the  greatest  channels  of  commerce  in  the  world?  Forty 
years  after  the  consummation  of  the  Rush-Bagot  Agreement  the 

12 


total  freight  passing  through  the  canals  in  a  year  was  only  about 
fifty  thousand  tons ;  fifty  vears  later  it  was  over  riftv  million  tons  • 
last  year  it  was  eighty  million  tons.  Who  could  have  fcretold  that 
on  these  lakes  would  be  devised  the  most  wonderful  schemes 
known  to  the  world  for  loading  and  unloading  freight  because 
of  the  large  quantities  of  grain,  of  ore  and  of  coal,  which  have 
to  be  rapidly  handled,  and  that  the  sailing  vessels  of  early  days 
would  be  replaced  by  freighters  over  Tjoo  feet  long,  capable  of 
carrying  half  a  million  bushels  of  grain  or  la.ocxj  to  15.000  tons 
of  ore  or  coal?  Who  could  have  realized  that  upnii"  the  iron 
mines  near  the  shores  of  the  great  lakes  and  on  cheap  lake  freights 
the  steel  mills  would  so  largely  depend .'  Who  could  have  fore- 
told that  the  wheat  markets  of  Europe  would  annuallv  wait  with 
breathless  interest  for  the  opening  of  navigation  at  the  head  ot 
Lake  Superior  so  that  the  grain  fleets  might  set  forth?  Who 
would  have  guessed  that  cities  on  the  prairies  of  Western  Canada 
would  be  kept  warm  in  winter  by  coal  mined  in  Pennsylvania  ? 
Who  indeed  can  number  the  countless  ventures  of  man  which 
are  dependent  for  their  success  on  the  existence  of  the  Great 
Lakes  ? 

..  .  T*^*  Rush-Hagot  Agreement  transiormcd  these  lakes  from  a 
aividing  line  between  two  embittered  oeoples  into  the  greatest 
agency  of  peace  and  industry  in  the  whole  world  and  doubtless 
It  was  the  discovery  that  it  was  possible  for  us  on  the  Great 
Lakes  to  live  without  fighting  that  made  possible  that  most  curious 
of  all  international  boundaries,  the  49th  parallel. 

We  have  lived  in  peace  for  one  hundred  vears.  and.  diank 
God.  we  can  now  safely  celebrate  that  first  ceiitennial  of  pejce 
between  two  peoples  which  we  were  so  rudely  prevented  from 
celebrating  in  1914  by  the  outbreak  of  war  in  Europe.  Two 
states  each  with  territorj-  of  about  the  same  size,  but  one  having 
at  least  twelve  times  as  many  people  as  the  other,  both  h  li- 
spirited  and  with  that  quickness  to  resent  injurv  which  is  c  r- 
acteristic  between  blood  relations,  have  settled  .-ill  their  quai.cis 
for  a  century  without  recourse  to  arms.  The  questions  of  boun- 
daries and  the  ether  matters  incident  to  their  early  relations  ar¥ 

now  disposed  of  and,  despite  the  present  events  in   Europe 

perhaps,  indeed,  the  more  because  of  them — we  feel  confident 
that  we  at  least  among  the  nations  of  this  wearv  and  troubled 
earth  have  for  all  time  found  the  path  of  peace. 

While  the  conditions  which  make  for  peace  and  prevent  war 
were  secured  so  early  in  our  history,  many  other  things  have 
helped  to  bind  us  together,  so  completely  that  even  our  differences 
are  respected  and  the  fact  that  two  great  democracies  are  trying 
social  experiments,  sometimes  along  widely  separated  lines,  is 
more  apt  to  ex-ite  mutual  respect  and  interest  than  animo,s'!ty. 

13 


We  sp»k  mainly  the  same  language,  we  read  the  same  books, 
we  recognize  the  same  King  Alfred  as  the  fountain  head  of  our 
liberties,  the  same  Saxon  freemen,  the  same  Magna  Charta,  the 
same  Shakespeare,  the  same  Cromwell. 

How  much  I  dare  say  regarding  the  great  war  I  do  not  know, 
but  this  I  am  verj-  anxious  to  say.  We  Canadians  who  have  sent 
our  sons,  who  have  suffered  and  spent  so  much,  do  not  wish  to 
be  told  that  we  are  fighting  merely  for  the  sake  of  the  dear 
Motherland.  We  are  of  course  fighting  for  her,  doubtless  most 
of  us  would  fight  for  her  whether  her  cause  was  right  or  wrong, 
but  we  know,  every  man  in  the  Canadian  army  who  is  Canadian 
by  birth  knows,  that  he  is  fighting  for  the  right  to  live,  the  right 
to  continue  to  enjoy  that  blessed  liberty  which  every  individual 
seeks  to  enjoy.  We  have  had  you  as  neighbors  for  one  hundred 
years,  but  let  me  say  that  if  we  lose,  if  we  are  beaten  on  the 
battlefields  of  Europe,  we  in  Canada  do  not  believe  that  there 
is  any  power  in  the  world  that  can  save  us  from  what  would 
happen.  We  do  not  believe  that  even  the  greatest  republic  the 
world  has  ever  known,  and  the  sincere  friend  of  Canada,  could 
save  Canada  from  the  effects  that  would  follow  defeat;  and  if 
you  will  let  me  say  so,  we  do  not  believe  that  anything  could 
save  the  great  republic  from  what  would  happen. 

Therefore,  permit  me  to  say,  as  my  concliding  words,  that 
we  should  let  our  prayer  be  that  the  rulero  of  this  country  set 
their  faces  in  a  determination  to  secure  peace,  a  peace  that  will 
last  for  all  time;  but  that  in  trying  to  secure  that  peace,  they 
will  see  that  it  is  a  peace  based  upon  principles  of  justice  and 
right,  regardless  of  what  they  have  to  pass  through  before  they 
secure  it. 


A.  H.  SPENCER,  Esq.: 

Ladies  and  Gentlemen,  Brothers  in  Law  and — As  One 
Of  My  Precursors  on  this  Platform  Remarked — Sisters  in 
Law: 

This  occasion,  as  Mr.  Butler  has  already  told  you,  has  broad- 
ened out  considerably  from  what  it  had  originally  been  intended 
or  expected  to  be.  Circumstances  have  shaped  themselves  so  as 
to  make  it  almost  an  international  gathering.  The  fJags  that  you 
see  around  you  are  an  illustration  of  that.  We  have  endeavored 
to  express  our  sentiment  towards  the  British-Canadian  flag  by 
surrounding  it  with  two  American  flags.  The  little  green  flag 
in  the  corner  which  so  modestly  hides  itself  away  and  which 
you  all  perhaps  may  not  be  able  to  see,  has  a  special  significance 

14 


to-day,  and  possibly  may  be  found  suggestive  to  the  Qub  in 
kindly  contemplation  of  our  brothers  of  Erin,  their  reluctance 
to  hold  office,  to  be  employed  in  civic  life,  or  otherwise  to  come 
into  public  notice. 

Something  has  been  said  about  the  Rush-Bagot  Agreement. 
I  suppose  all  but  a  very  few  of  you  here  remember  it  perfectly, 
but  for  the  benefit  of  those  who  have  forgotten  it  or  overlooked 
it  in  their  haste,  this  being  just  a  family  party  anil  not  a  public 
meeting,  I  am  going  to  read  it  to  you. 

An  exchange  of  notes  had  occurred  between  the  respective 
representatives  of  Great  Britain  and  America,  Mr.  Bagot  and 
Mr.  Rush,  with  regard  to  the  problem  of  arming  or  not  arming 
the  frontiers  between  America  and  Canada.  This  agreement  has 
never  been  referred  to  as  a  treaty,  but  at  least  it  has  the  merit 
of  not  having  been  regarded  as  a  "scrap  of  paper."  The  announce- 
ment of  this  agreement  was  made  by  President  James  Monroe 
in  a  proclamation  by  the  President  of  the  United  States.  It  is 
very  short  and  I  will  read  it. 

"Whereas,  an  arrangement  was  entered  into  at  the  City 
of  Washington,  in  the  month  of  April  in  the  year  of  our 
Lord  one  thousand,  eight  hundred  and  seventeen,  between 
Richard  Rush,  Esquire,  at  that  time  Acting  Secretary  for 
the  Department  of  State  of  the  United  States,  for  and  in 
behalf  of  the  Government  of  the  United  States,  and  the 
Right  Honorable  Charles  Bagot,  His  Britannic  Majesty's 
Envoy  Extraordinary  and  Minister  Plenipotentiary,  for  and 
in  behalf  of  his  Britannic  Majesty,  which  arrangement  is  in 
words  following,  to  wit ; 

"  'The  naval  forces  to  be  maintained  upon  the  American 
lakes  by  His  Majesty  and  the  Government  of  the  United 
States  shall  henceforth  be  confined  to  the  following  vessels 
on  each  side;  that  is,  on  Lake  Ontario,  to  one  vessel  not 
exceeding  one  hundred  tons  burden  and  armed  with  one 
eighteen  pound  cannon.' — That  was  before  the  days  of  high 
explosives. 

"  'On  the  Upper  Lakes' — here  is  where  we  got  recklessly 
belligerent — 'to  two  vessels  not  exceeding  like  burden  each 
and  armed  with  like  force. 

"  'On  the  waters  of  Lake  Champlain,  to  one  vessel  not 
exceeding  like  burden  and  armed  with  like  force. 

"  'All  other  vessels  on  these  likes  shall  be  forthwith  dis- 
mantled and  no  other  vessels  of  war  shall  be  there  built  or 
armed. 

IS 


"  'If  eithfr  party  should  be  hereafter  desirous  of  annulling 
this  stipulation,  and  should  give  notice  to  that  effect  to  the 
other  party,  it  shall  cease  to  be  binding  after  the  expiration 
of  six  months  from  the  date  of  such  notice, 

"  'The  naval  force  so  to  be  limited  -'■il'  he  restricted  to 
such  service  as  will,  in  no  respect,  interfere  wii!'  the  proper 
duties  of  the  armed  vessels  of  the  other  party. 

"  'And,  whereas,  the  Senate  of  the  United  States  have 
approved  of  the  said  arrangement,  and  recommended  that  it 
should  be  carried  into  effect,  the  .same  having  also  received 
the  sanction  of  His  Royal  Highness  the  Prince  Regent  acting 
in  the  name  and  on  behalf  nf  His  Britannic  Majesty, 

"  'Now,  therefore.  I,  James  Monroe,  President  of  the 
United  States,  do,  by  this  proclamation,  make  known  and 
declare  that  the  arrangement  aforesaid,  and  every  stipula- 
tion thereof,  lias  heen  duly  entered  into,  concluded  and  con- 
firmed, and  is  of  full  force  and  effect. 

"  'Given  under  my  hand  at  the  City  of  Washington,  this 
28th  day  of  April  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  one  thousand  eight 
hundred  and  eighteen' — the  arrangement  was  concluded  in 
1817 — 'and  of  the  independence  of  the  United  States,  the 
forty-second. 

"  'By  the  President. 

"  'James  Monroe.'  " 

That  is  all  of  it,  gentlemen ;  a  short  but  effective  exhibit  of 
Americ."!'  efficiency. 

Now  I  have  referred  to  the  little  green  flag.  I  can  not  help 
thinking  that  it  reminds  me  of  three  amiable,  admirable  and  well 
known  Irishmen,  St.  Patrick,  Fitzpatrick  and  Ormsby  McHarg. 

Sir  Charles  Fitzpatrick  was,  or  at  first  thought  he  was,  un- 
able to  come  to  this  meeting,  but  he  allowed  himself  to  be  per- 
suaded. He  slept  a  while  over  it  and.  as  a  result  of  his  dreams, 
he  is  here.  He  has  written  me  occasional  letters  during  this 
period  while  we  have  so  to  speak,  been  exchanging  protocols. 
Having  ascertained  from  the  Canadian  "Who's  Who,"  some- 
thing about  Sir  Charles,  and  here  again  the  suggestion  of  a  society 
of  statistical  engineers  comes  into  mind.  I  will  not  read  all  on 
these  pages,  but  merely  note  a  few  as  I  go  along: 

Sir  Charles  says  that  he  has  filled  many  public  positions  in 
connection  with  the  administration  of  the  law,  by  accident. 

The  first  thing  is:  Born,  Quebec.  December  19,  185,1.  I 
don'l  know  wliether  he  includes  that  in  the  catalogue  of  accidents 

16 


or  not.  But  I  observe  he  carriei  many  titles — K.  C,  G.  C.  M.  G., 
B.  C.  L.— that  is  all  I  tee  here.  And,  going  on  down  the  list, 
I  find  that  he  is,  among  other  things,  Batonnier  General,  Quebec, 
1898-1900.  I  don't  know  whether  you  know  what  that  u,  any- 
way I  don't,  but  the  facts  I  will  specially  empliasizc  arc  tlicse, 
that  Sir  Charles  represented  the  Dominion  Government  before  the 
Privy  Council  in  England  in  the  Fisheries  Case  in  1897;  was 
e.\-ofiicio  member  of  the  Royal  Commission  for  the  Revision 
of  Public  Statutes,  1902;  British  Member  of  the  Peace  Tribunal 
at  the  Hague  in  lyoH,  etc;  Minister  of  Justice.  iipj-igoG.  ,ind 
•noivcil  his  present  appointment  as  Chief  Justice  of  Canada  June 
4.  1906;  Deputy  Governor  General,  one  of  the  Knglish  rejirc- 
sentatives  under  the  treaty  of  September  14,  1914;  Member  01 
His  Majesty's  Privy  Council,  1908;  K.  C.  M.  G.,  1907;  G.  C 
M.  G.,  and  invested  by  the  King  in  person,  1911. 

In  addition  to  these  titles,  together  with  Sir  Edmund  Walker 
he  is  a  member  of  The  Lawyers  Club,  and  I  have  great  honor  in 
introducing  Sir  Charles  Fitzpatrick. 


17 


ADDRESS  OF 
SIR  CHARLES  FITZPATRICK 

Ms.  Pmesiuent,  M».  Skncm,  Ladiej  and  Gentleuik  : 
I  want  to  thank  you,  Mr.  Chairman,  for  your  very  ireneroui 
rcfcrcn  ts  to  myself.     I  do  not,  of  course,  pretend  to  deser%e 
thtni,  hilt  I  appreciate  the  spirit  which  moved  you  to  speak  of 
me  as  you  have  done. 

I  am  al^o  under  obligations  to  you.  Gentlemen,  for  your 
warm  reception;  that,  I  am  vain  enough  to  imagine,  I  do  to 
some  extent  deserve,  I  do  not,  it  is  true,  belong  to  that  cvcr- 
increasing  class  of  Canadians  who  on  the  approach  of  Easter 
dream  of  the  hlysian  fiehjs  as  situate  somewhere  between  Broad- 
way and  Fifth  Avenue;  but  I  love  your  streets,  avenues,  boule- 
v.irds  and  parks.  Your  libraries,  museums  and  picture  galleries 
arc  a  never-failing  source  of  amusement  and  instruction  Your 
very  crowds  appeal  to  me.  I  enjoy  a  visit  between  twelve  and 
one  to  lower  fifth  Avenue  to  see  the  new-born  American  who 
asserts  his  rights  to  citizenship  in  Yiddish  and  jostles  the  ordinary 
w-ayfarer  off  the  side-walk.  By  way  of  contrast,  I  wonder  at 
those  great  crowds  of  men  and  women,  who  throng  your  churches 
to  ask  Christ  crucified  for  light,  and  guidance,  and  strength  to 
bear  their  daily  burdens. 

Speaking  of  your  museums  reminds  me  of  an  incident  that 
happened  some  years  ago  when  I  was  visiting  the  Aquarium  at 
Naples.  I  had  gone  through  the  E.xhibits,  and  when  about  to 
take  my  leave  of  the  atTable  guardian,  I  said :  'This,  I  presume 
IS  the  finest  aquarium  in  the  world?"— "You  are  probablv  an 
Ameiican.'"^  said  he.— ■'Well,"  I  replied  in  my  best  Latin, 
Distinguo,"  let  me  distinguish,  "I  come  from  a  country  which 
contains  within  its  boundaries,  geographically,  more  than  half  of 
the  North  American  Continent,  but  unfortunately  I  have  no 
connection  with  the  smaller  country  to  the  South "  But  I 
added:  "Why  do  you  ask.'"— "Well."  he  said,  "this  is  the  best 
aquarium  in  the  world,  except  the  one  in  New  York."  Now 
I  cannot  tell  you  vhether  that  observation  was  prompted  by  a 
Washingtonian  love  of  truth,  or  with  a  view  to  the  expected 
tip,  but  if  the  latter,  I  admit  that  my  guide's  flattery  went  home 
and  he  benefitted  accordingly. 

I  confess  that  I  felt  much  honored  by  the  invitation  to  appear 
before  you  on  this  occasion,  but,  as  Mr.  Spencer  has  just  told 
you,  It  was  not  without  misgiving  that  I  acceptc^l  it.  I  felt  then, 
and  now  that  I  have  attempted  the  task,  I  feel  to  a  much  larger 
degree,  the  truth  of  the  saying  of  the  writer  in  the  Book  of 
Ecclesiasticus,  "that  the  wisdom  of  th.  scribe  cometh  of  the 
opportunity  of  leisure."    It  is  one  of  the  many  drawbacks  of  a 

18 


fairly  bu.y  profc.sional  and  political  'fc  ihat,  however  irreat 
one.  interett  may  be  in  .ubject,  concennng  the  hUtory  of  o"e'. 

fX  ,h         "  °"""  >"*••  ""  ''■"«  "«e,«ary  li  manifest  use- 

invl.^i:brrai,;'i;„'," ''"' ""'""'  "^«' '"  "■«  ""'"• » »'-« 

.h„  T^■  "'•'''"'  "''BV"' '"  "•«  ■»  f"ll  "'  interest,  and  it  is  fittinu 
for  the  sake  of  a  treaty  we  si  ould  assemble  here  to-day  to  com- 
hfTJ^-X.^t,  »«"""«"'  *hi-h  has  >">t  been  broken,  but  ha, 

ATm."'" v''  ^X  '"'J"  ''"'"'"■''  >'"'■  "''en  John  Quincy 
Alams   m   November    r8,5,  „„   behalf  of   the   Covernn^n,    •,, 

fnr"Il',T°,"'.^"'  approached  Lord  Castlereagh  with  a  proposal 
for  mutual  disarmament  on  the  Great  Lakes"  he  was  happy  Tn 
h  opportumty  The  message,  which,  as  the  United  Tatis 
Mm  ster  m  London,  Adams  had  to  deliver  t..  the  liritish  (iov,  rn 

Ihe  Oreat  War  winch  had  devastated  the  world  for  more  than 
twenty  years  was  over,  Waterloo  had  .-er,  fought  and  won  and 

-oX^VT'  ""'"^"''  "i'f!  ?'"'■  '""'  K°"«  '"St.  Helena  'The 
P«ope,  of  Europe  were  blindly  feeling  their  way,  and  groping 
out  towards  some  happier  system,  which  would  rid  the  world 

in  the  air,  and  dreaming  of  the  reign  of  universal  peace,  entirely 

d?.  »lnh  ?'"  """  ^^^  ''  y  "  """J"""  '"  <:»  «  "^  su;  la  surface 
^vJ  1,1  h  T"?  ''t'?"^'  <)»=."'o"«  P"  dessecher,  ni  les  vents 
avec  leurs  brulantes  haleines,  ni  le  solei!  avec  tous  ses  feux  " 
Visionary  schemes  were  the  subject  of  eage.  discussion,  and 
found  a  ready  vvelcome  and  some  of  the  best  mi-ds  of  Europe 
,Z  Hni'"^'^n"'"'  ^'^^  ''™'"  "^'"^  afterwar.  took  form  as 
kII!  ^  Alhance-that  s-range  sy.t^m  by  which  the  handed 
Kings  were  pledged  to  regard  each  other  as  brnihers,  and  their 

^h?,  Ai?'         u  "^i^"^""  ""••  •»  '"'"'  'h^   fi-'^Pel   of  Chris 
That  Alhance  has  been  well  described  as  a  "piece  of  .ubiime 
mysticism  and  nonsense."    The  Great  Powers  who  were  pa  t^es 

and  that  with  peoples  as  with  individuals,  "growth  and  develop- 
ment a--  among  the  conditions  of  life."  The  political  situation 
n  Europe  proves  the  f.itility  of  "an  attempt  to  fit  growing  organ- 
isms  into  iron  cases.  *      * 

the'vhn.'l?''^?!''  '•^"''°J  """   '^'°'?  f"';"'    '""'='^=    f™™   ^"O'S 

the  .Atlantic.  It  ofiered  no  revolutions  m  the  world's  affairs,  and 
held  out  no  special  promise  of  permanency ;  but  its  work  endures 
today  wh^e  the  Holy  Alliance  is  dead  and  its  very  puipose  for! 
gotten  The  reason  of  the  difference  is  not  far  to  seek  To 
some,  treaties  and  conventions  are  mere  talk  with  which  senti- 
19 


mental  philanthropists  amuse  themselves,  scraps  of  paper,  to  be 
consigned  to  the  waste  basket  when  they  stand  in  the  way  oi  the 
ambitious  designs  of  Emperors  and  Kings;  whilst  to  others  agree- 
ments mean  the  plighted  word  and  have  their  sanction  in  the 
Divine  precept  which  enjoins  that  man  must,  in  public  as  in 
private  life,  "keep  sacred  his  covenant." 

Monroe's  letter  was  a  model  of  brevity,  clearness  and  sim- 
plicity, and  ran  as  follows  : 

"The  information  you  give  of  orders  having  been  issued 
by  the  British  Government  to  increase  its  naval  force  on  the 
Lakes  is  confirmed  by  intelligence  from  that  quarter  of 
measures  having  been  actually  adopted  for  the  purpose.  It 
is  evident  if  each  party  augments  its  force  there  with  a  view 
to  obtain  the  ascendency  over  the  other,  that  vast  expense  will 
be  incurred  and  the  danger  of  collision  will  be  augmented  in 
like  degree.  The  President  is  sincerely  desirous  to  prevent 
an  evil  which,  it  is  presumed,  is  equally  to  be  deprecated  by 
both  Governments.  He  therefore  authorizes  you  to  propose 
to  the  British  Government  such  an  arrangement  respecting 
the  naval  force  to  be  kept  on  the  Lakes  by  both  Govern- 
ments, as  will  demonstrate  their  pacific  policy  and  secure  their 
peace.  He  is  willing  to  confine  it  on  each  side  to  a  certain 
moderate  number  of  armed  vessels,  and  the  smaller  the  num- 
ber the  more  agreeable  to  him;  or  to  abstain  altogether 
from  an  armed  force  beyond  that  used  for  the  revenue. 
You  will  bring  this  subject  under  the  consideration  of  the 
British  Government  immediately  after  the  receipt  of  this 
letter." 

Lord  Castlereagh  was  surprised  and  perplexed,  and  natur- 
ally inclined  at  first  to  be  a  little  suspicious.  Such  an  engage- 
ment would  tie  the  hands  of  both  parties  until  war  should  have 
commenced,  and  the  Americans  by  their  proximity  would  be 
able  to  prepare  armaments  for  attack  much  sooner  than  those 
of  the  British  could  be  prepared  for  defense.  On  January  31, 
1816,  Adams,  writing  to  Monroe,  says:  "I  think  the  proposal 
will  not  he  accepted."  But  the  proposal  was  renewed  in  a  note 
of  which  the  following  extract  is  far-sighted; 

"The  increase  of  naval  armaments  on  one  side  upon  the 
lakes  during  peace,  will  necessitate  the  like  increase  on  the 
other,  and  besides  causing  an  aggravation  of  useless  expense 
to  both  parties,  must  operate  as  a  continual  stimulus  of  sus- 
picion and  of  ill-will  upon  the  inhabitants  and  local  authori- 
ties of  the  borders  against  those  of  their  neighbors.  The 
moral  and  political  tendency  of  such  a  system  must  be  to 
war  and  not  to  peace." 

20 


Words  pregnant  with  wisdom  and  political  foresight. 

One  would  imagine  that  when  he  wrote  that  letter  Mr. 
Monroe  had  present  to  his  mind  this  phrase  from  Bacon  (Essay, 
of  Empire) :  "Let  men  beware  how  they  neglect  and  sutTcr  mat- 
ter of  trouble  to  be  prepared ;  for  no  man  can  forbid  the  spark 
nor  tell  whence  it  may  come." 

Certainly  if  Castlereagh  had  been  inclined  to  take  a  narrow 
view  of  the  situation  there  was  abundant  ground  for  hesitation. 
At  that  very  time  Great  Britain  was  making  a  determined  ef- 
fort to  secure  a  superiority  of  naval  force  on  the  Lakes.  At 
Kingston  a  ship-of-the-line  built  to  carry  no  guns  and  two  ves- 
sels that  were  able  to  mount  74  guns,  were  being  hurried  to  com- 
pletion. Moreover  in.'iistent  demands  were  being  made  in  Ixith 
Houses  of  Parliament  for  a  more  v-'orous  policy,  and  the 
building  of  a  formidable  fleet  for  Canadian  waters.  Still  the 
folly  and  waste  of  such  a  competition  were  apparent,  and  in 
April  Adams  was  able  to  report  Castlereagh  as  admitting  that, 
"to  keep  a  number  of  armed  vessels  parading  about  upon  the 
Lakes  in  times  of  peace  would  be  ridiculous  and  absurd.  There 
could  be  no  motive  for  it,  and  everything  beyond  what  sliould 
be  necessary  to  guard  against  smuggling,  would  be  calculated 
only  to  produce  mischief." 

But  he  then  pointed  out  that  though  disarmament  was  so 
desirable  in  itself,  the  disadvantages  attending  it  would  be  felt 
only  by  Great  Britain.  If  war  broke  out  suddenly,  and  found 
both  countries  without  a  naval  force  on  the  Lakes,  clearly  the 
United  States  would  be  in  a  much  better  position  than  Great 
Britain  to  extemporize  a  fleet.  In  those  days  of  wooden  vessels, 
the  building  materials  were  ready  at  hand  in  the  forests  along 
the  shores  of  the  Lakes,  and  Great  Britain  from  the  geographical 
position  would  be  hopelessly  handicapped.  For  her,  if  she  looked 
for  war,  the  policy  of  a  perpetual  preparedness  was  absolutely  es- 
sential. Happily  Lord  Castelreagh  took  the  larger  view.  He 
was  keenly  alive  to  the  waste  of  competitive  armaments,  and 
admitted  all  Mr.  Adams  had  to  urge  in  regard  to  the  constant 
occasion  of  provocation  which  must  arise  on  both  sides  out  of  the 
presence  of  armed  vessels  in  the  same  inland  waters.  What  a 
danger  to  international  peace  this  proximity  of  naval  fleets  in 
confined  waters  must  have  proved  will  be  apparent  if  we  con- 
sider for  a  moment  the  case  of  the  Great  Ocean  fleets  of  the 
world.  You  will  renumber  how  in  the  days  before  the  war 
the  naval  estimates  and  programmes  of  the  great  Powers  were 
always  the  object  of  jealous  scrutiny  in  every  country.  Xo 
exception  was  made  even  in  the  case  of  Great  Britain,  for  whom 
a  supreme  fleet  is  simply  a  life  belt;  without  it  she  sinks  at 
once,  and  starves  before  she  goes  under.    Her  fleet,  as  a  neces- 

21 


sity  of  self-defense,  is  neither  a  tlireat  nor  a  challenge  to  any, 
and  her  ships  cruise  impartially  from  Archangel  to  Hongkong, 
and  are  equally  at  home  in  the  Atlantic  and  the  Pacific,  in  the 
Red  Sea,  the  White  Sea,  the  Yellow  Sea  or  at  the  gates  of  the 
Black  Sea.  But  a  British  war  vessel  on  the  Great  Lakes  could 
have  only  one  possible  opponent,  and  the  presence  of  an  Ameri- 
can ship  in  the  same  waters  necessarily  suggested  comparisons, 
atid  inimitable  speculations  as  to  the  result  of  a  trial  of  strength 
with  her  rival.  In  these  circumstances,  what  opportunities  there 
would  be  for  rumors,  and  exaggerations,  and  the  suspicions  born 
of  both,  whenever  there  was  any  special  activity  in  the  shipyards 
at  either  end  of  the  Lakes,  bathing  the  frontiers  of  both  coun- 
tries !  And  here,  remember,  that  at  the  beginning  of  the  last 
century  each  lake  was  a  separate  entity.  To-day,  there  is  an 
uninterrupted  waterway  from  Fort  William  to  the  Strait  of 
Belisle.  Then  Lake  Superior  was  cut  off  from  all  communica- 
tion witli  Huron,  and  the  canal,,  on  either  side  of  the  Rapids 
of  the  Sault  St.  Marie,  which,  in  the  year  before  the  war,  carried 
a  traffic  three  times  as  great  as  that  of  the  Great  Waterway  at 
Suez,  had  not  even  been  thought  of.  In  the  same  way.  Lake 
Ontario  was  cut  off  by  the  Rapids  of  the  St.  Lawrence  and  the 
Falls  of  Niagara,  while  the  Falls  of  the  Ste.  Claire  River  ef- 
fectively closed  Lake  Erie ;  so  that  any  ship  built  on  the  border  of 
one  of  these  lakes  had  to  be  maintained  there,  and  spend  the 
rest  of  its  existence  on  that  particular  lake.  Its  sole  function 
and  purpose  was  to  counteract  the  influence  of  some  rival  vessel 
on  the  other  side  of  the  lake.  Lord  Castelreagh  could  not  fore- 
cast the  future,  but  he  was  a  good  judge  of  the  present,  and 
had  schooled  himself  to  the  thought  that  to  prevent  war  was 
better  than  preparation  for  it. 

Mr.  Adams  wrote  to  the  impatient  Monroe  on  March  30, 
1816: 

"You  may  consider  it  certain  that  the  proposal  to  disarm 
on  the  Lakes  will  not  be  accepted." 

But  a  fortnight  later  the  principle  of  the  proposals  had  been  ac- 
cepted. Before  this  conclusion,  however,  was  arrived  at.  Lord 
Castlereagh  took  the  opportunity  to  remind  Mr.  Adams,  that  there 
would  have  been  no  need  for  the  present  apprehensions  if  only 
the  recommendations  of  the  British  Commissioners  at  Ghent 
had  been  adopted.  Mr.  Adams  reported  as  follows:  "He  then 
pointed  out  that  Great  Britain  had  proposed,  at  the  negotiations 
at  Ghent,  that  the  whole  of  the  Lakes,  including  the  shores, 
should  belong  to  one  party.  In  that  case  there  would  have  been 
a  large  and  wide  natural  separation  between  the  two  territories, 
and  there  would  have  been  no  necessity  for  armaments."  Surely 
here  was  insight  and  vision!    If  all  the  Great  Lakes,  and  their 


coasts,  to  a  suitable  depth,  including  the  sites  now  occupied  by 
Chicago  and  Milwaukee,  Detroit  and  Buffalo,  had  been  assigned 
to  Canada,  there  would  have  been  no  question  of  rival  naval 
forces,  and  I  would  be  deprived  of  the  pleasure  of  being  your 
guest  to-day.  But  if  Lord  Castlereagh  sighed  like  a  statesman 
over  the  vanished  scheme,  he  proposed  like  a  practical  man  to 
deal  with  the  facts  as  he  found  them.  On  August  13th,  1816, 
the  new  British  Minister  at  Washington,  Mr.  Charles  Bagot,  was 
able  to  give  the  assurance  that  "all  further  augmentation  of  the 
British  naval  force  now  in  commission  on  the  Lakes  will  be  im- 
mediately suspended."  In  August,  matters  were  carried  a  step 
further  when  Bagot  gave  Monroe  full  particulars  of  the  existing 
Bntish  fleet.  Considering  that,  in  those  days,  it  often  took 
months  to  get  a  reply  between  London  and  Washington,  it  can- 
not be  said  that  the  negotiations  had  been  unduly  protracted.  But 
they  were  not  quick  enough  to  please  Mr.  Monroe.  .-\nd  here 
let  me  remark  that  in  the  past,  in  her  dealings  with  England,  the 
United  States  has  generally  had  this  advantage,  that  her  troubles 
have  come  to  her  singly  and  not  in  batallions.  On  the  other  hand, 
the  harassed  statesman  who  represented  Great  Britain  has  often 
had  urgent  claims  on  his  attention  from  many  parts  of  the  world 
and  so  been  tempted  to  let  one  care  drive  out  another.  In  tliat 
way  delays  and  silences  have  often  followed,  which  have  given 
occasion  for  suspicions  of  rudeness  or  indifference.  In  Xovern- 
ber,  1816,  Mr.  Monroe  in  a  letter  to  Adams  notes  Lord  Castle- 
reagh's  silence  and  then  goes  on  to  use  words  which  show  that 
he  was  beginning  to  distrust  the  good  faith  of  the  British  repre- 
sentative : 

"The  limited  powers  that  were  given  to  Mr.  Bagot  had 
much  appearance  that  the  object  was  to  amuse  us  rather 
than  to  adopt  any  effectual  measure,  'j '.e  supply  in  the 
interiin  of  Canada  with  a  vast  amount  of  cannon  and  muni- 
tions is  a  circumstance  which  has  not  escaped  attention." 

But  there  was  no  ground  for  these  misgivings,  and  an  ex- 
change of  notes  ratifying  an  agreement  on  the  lines  oii^'inallv 
suggested  by  I'  Monroe,  took  place  on  the  28th  and  29th  of 
April,  1817.  1  document  bore  the  signature  of  Charles  Bagot, 
British  Minister  at  Washington  and  Richard  Rush  who  was 
Secretary  of  State. 

Of  the  two  men  whose  names  thus  acquired  an  immortalitv 
of  fame,  Mr.  Bagot  played  the  slighter  part  owing  to  the  very 
litnited  nature  of  the  powers  entrusted  to  him.  One  hopes  he 
enjoyed  his  stay  at  Washington,  but  as  the  first  representative 
of  Great  Britain  after  a  war  which  had  left  such  bitter  memories 
as  those  of  the  fratricidal  struggle  in  1812-14,  his  position  was 
a  difficult  one.    That  he  did  not  expect  to  find  a  bed  of  roses  at 

23 


Washington  may  perhaps  be  inferred,  from  the  following  pas- 
sage in  a  letter  addressed  to  him,  just  after  his  appointment,  by 
Canning : 

"I  am  afraid  the  question  is  not  so  much  how  you  will 
treat  them  (the  Americans)  as  how  they  will  treat  you,  and 
that  the  hardest  lesson  which  a  British  Minister  has  to  learn 
in  America  is  not  what  to  do  but  what  to  bear.  But  even  this 
may  come  round.  And  Waterlno  is  a  great  help  to  you, 
perhaps  a  necessary  help  after  the  (to  say  the  least)  balanced 
successes  and  misfortunes  of  the  American  war." 

How  curious  all  this  reads  when  one  thinks  of  the  leave- 
taking  of  Mr.  Bryce!  However  Bagol  went  out  with  instructions 
to  do  whatever  was  possible  to  promote  the  restoration  of  cordial 
good  feeling  between  the  two  countries.  Of  Richard  Rush,  who 
was  Secretary  of  State  when  the  Agreement  was  signed,  and 
American  Minister  in  London  for  the  greater  part  of  the  year 
which  elapsed  before  the  arrangement  was  finally  approved  of 
by  the  Senate  and  proclaimed  by  the  President,  we  get  pleasant 
glimpses  in  the  pages  of  that  very  entertaining  book,  "Memoranda 
of  a  Residence  at  the  Court  of  London."  In  its  opening  chapter 
he  thus  describes  the  dispositions  in  which,  in  his  opinion,  an 
American  Minister  to  London  ought  to  approach  his  task: 

"No  language  can  express  the  emotion  which  almost  every 
American  feels,  when  he  first  touches  the  shores  of  Europe. 
This  feeling  must  have  a  special  increase,  if  it  be  the  case 
of  a  citizen  of  the  United  States,  going  to  England.  Her 
fame  is  constantly  before  him ;  he  hears  of  her  statesmen, 
her  orators,  her  scholars,  her  philosophers,  her  divines,  her 
patriots.  In  the  nursery  he  learns  her  ballads.  Her  poets 
train  his  imagination.  Her  language  is  his,  with  its  whole 
intellectual  riches,  past  and  forever  newly  flowing ;  a  tie,  to 
use  Burke's  figure,  'light  as  air,  and  unseen,  but  stronger  than 
links  of  iron.'  In  spite  of  political  differences,  her  glory  al- 
lures him;  in  spite  of  hostile  collision  he  clings  to  her  lineage. 
■Three  thousand  miles,'  said  Franklin,  'are  as  three  thousand 
years ;  intervention  of  space  seems  to  kindle  enthusiasm,  like 
intervention  of  time.'  Is  it  not  fit  that  two  such  nations 
should  be  friends?  Let  us  hope.  It  is  the  hope  which 
every  minister  from  the  United  States  should  carry  with  him 
to  England;  it  is  the  hope  in  which  every  British  Minister 
of  State  should  meet  him.  If,  nevertheless,  rivalry  is  in  the 
nature  of  things,  at  least  let  it  be  on  fair  principles,  let  it 
be  generous,  never  paltry,  never  malignant." 

Mr.  Rush  was  a  man  of  wide  culture  and  gifted  with  an 
historic  imagination.  When  the  vessel  that  was  taking  him  to 
England  was  off  the  Isle  of  Wight,  he  tclis  how  he  reflected  that 

24 


perhaps  they  were  passing  in  the  very  track  of  the  Antiada,  and 
how  his  comrades  talked  of  the  "hero  Queen  of  Tilbury."  When 
the  Portsmouth  bells  were  set  ringing  in  his  honor  on  the  even- 
ing of  his  arrival  he  says : 

"It  passed  in  our  thoughts  that  the  same  bells  might  have 
rung  their  peals  for  the  victories  of  Hawke  and  Nelson. 
'Perhaps,'  said  one  of  the  party,  'for  Sir  Qoudsley  Shovel 
too.'  " 

His  reception  in  London  was  from  the  first  all  that  he  huped 
for.  and  he  was  soon  the  object  of  hospitalities,  of  which,  at  a 
later  period,  he  wrote : 

"They  can  neither  pass  from  the  memory  nor  grow  rold 
upon  the  heart." 
But  though  Mr.  Rush  never  spared  himself  in  his  efforts  to  bring 
about  a  better  understanding  between  the  two  couninos,  he 
provefl  himself  a  sturdy  patriot,  and  succeeded  in  wresting  from 
Great  Britain  concessions  in  regard  to  the  cod  fisheries,  which 
afterwards  caused  great  resentment  in  the  Maritime  ProMiiccs 
of  Canada.  Possibly,  however,  if  the  attempts  to  settle  the  dis- 
pute about  the  Oregon  boundary,  which  were  made  while  Rush 
was  in  Lrndon,  had  been  successful,  the  frontier  line  between 
our  two  countries  might  have  been  placed  further  south.  He 
notes  the  inquisitive  habits  of  the  British,  which  had  led  them 
into  the  remotest  corners  of  the  earth,  and  with  the  composure 
of  an  i.istorian,  and  the  detachment  of  a  philosopher  muses  over 
the  persistency  of  the  racial  type.  After  recalling  that  in  the 
days  of  Queen  Mary,  British  traders  had  carried  their  wares  all 
the  long  road  from  Archangel  to  Bagdad,  he  goes  on  to  say : 

"It  makes  a  parallel  passage  in  their  history  to  see  them 

at  the  present  day  pressing  forward  to  supply  with  rifles 

and  blankets  savage  hordes  wiio  roam  through  the  woods 

and  paddle  their  canoes  over  the  waters  of  the  farthest  and 

wildest    portions    of    the    American    continent— on    shores 

which  the  waters  of  the  Northern  Pacific  wash  in  solitude." 

But  it  was  a  British  statesman  who  would  have  given  away 

the  whole  of  British  Columbia  on  the  ground  that,  a  country 

where  the  salmon  would  not  rise  to  a  fly  could  not  be  worth 

keeping. 

The  agreement  which  bears  the  name  of  Rush  and  Bagot 
was  at  least  a  model  of  brevity  and  simplicity.  Both  sides  knew 
what  they  wanted,  and  they  wanted  the  same  thing.  It  was 
agreed  that : 

The  naval  force  to  be  "maintained"  by  each  Government  on 
the  Great  Lakes  should  be  limited ;  on  Lake  Ontario,  to  one  ves- 

25 


sel  not  exceeding  loo  ton  burden  and  arir  1  with  one  i8-pound 
cannon ;  on  the  Upper  Laljes,  to  two  vessi-.^  of  the  same  burden 
and  armament;  and  on  Lake  Cliamplain,  to  one  similar  vessel. 
All  other  armed  vessels  on  the  Lakes  were  to  be  forthwith  dis- 
mantled, and  "no  other  vessels  of  war"  were  to  be  "there  built 
and  armed."  This  stipulation  was  to  remain  in  effect  till  six 
months  after  either  party  should  have  given  notice  to  the  other 
of  a  desire  to  terminate  it. 

The  British  .authorities  at  once  dismantled,  or  broke  up, 
three  ships-of-the-Iine,  six  medium  size  vessels  and  a  number  of 
smaller  craft,  while  the  blessed  work  of  destruction  was  carried 
on  in  the  American  harbors  on  a  still  more  extensive  scale. 

It  was  only  some  months  later  that  a  doubt  arose  as  to  the 
validity  of  the  Agreement,  as  to  whether  it  so  far  partook  of  the 
nature  of  a  foreign  treaty  as  to  require  the  assent  of  the  United 
States  Senate.  It  was  thought  better  to  avoid  all  possible  com- 
plications on  this  score  by  bringing  the  matter  formally  before 
the  Senate.  This  was  done  in  due  course  and,  on  April  i6,  i8i8, 
the  Senate  "approved  and  consented,"  and  a  few  days  later,  the 
terms  of  the  agreement  were  formally  proclaimed  by  President 
Monroe. 

To  this  day,  however,  the  "Rush-Bagot  Agreement"  has 
never  been  regarded  or  spoken  of  as  a  formal  international  treaty. 
It  was  an  Agreement  by  an  exchange  of  notes  to  which  each  side 
gave  effect.  The  arrangement  worked  well  and  smoothly  from 
the  first,  and  its  conditions  have  been  faithfully  kept,  in  the  spirit, 
if  not  always  in  the  letter,  by  both  sides.  During  the  years 
1838-41  the  reoellion  in  Canada  led  the  British  Government  to 
increase  somewhat  its  naval  force  on  the  Lakes.  American  re- 
monstrances were  met  by  the  explanation  to  the  effect,  that  the 
measures  taken  were  purely  defensive  and  temporary,  and  that  the 
normal  state  of  things  would  be  restored  at  the  earliest  possible 
mopient.  In  1857  the  British  Government  complained  of  the 
presence  of  the  "Michigan"  on  the  Upper  Lakes  as  that  of  an 
armed  vessel  of  much  greater  tonnage  than  the  agreement  allowed. 
That,  on  this  occasion,  the  British  Foreign  Office  was  not  over- 
hasty  to  take  offense,  may  perhaps  be  inferred  from  the  fact  that 
the  "Michigan"  had  been  on  the  Upper  Lakes  for  thirteen  years 
before  this  objection  was  raised.  In  reply  the  United  States  Gov- 
ernment at  once  admitted  tnat  the  "Michigan"  was  many  times 
too  big,  but  urged  in  extenuation  that  it  was  armed  only  with  the 
sort  of  toy  gun  which  the  Agreement  sanctioned.  I  understand 
this  vessel  is  still  afloat,  an  historic  relic — as  the  "Wolverine." 

Nine  years  later,  graver  issues  were  involved.  Parties  of 
Confederates,  using  Canada  as  their  base,  had  captured  Federal 
steamers  on  Lake  Erie,  and  had  r.-iided  a  town  in  Vermont.    Mr. 

26 


Seward,  the  American  Secretary  of  Stole,  gave  notice  that  ow- 
ine  to  recent  hostile  and  piratical  proceedings  on  the  laKes  it 
would  be  necessary  to  increase  "the  observing  force  n;a'""'P«^ 
there.  At  the  same  time,  following  the  precedent  set  at  the  time 
of  the  Canadian  rebellion,  he  explained  that  the  steps  taken  were 
merely  defensive,  and  would  be  discontinued  as  soon  as  the 
danger  they  were  designed  to  meet  had  passed  away.  Mr.  Sew- 
ard further  and  rightly  insisted  that  "neither  parly  meant  to  re- 
linquish the  right  of  self-defense  in  the  event  of  civi  ^J-  A« 
the  same  time,  to  make  the  position  of  his  Government  absolutely 
correct,  and  to  secure  a  free  hand  in  the  future,  he  gave  the  re- 
quisite six  months'  notice  to  terminate  the  Agreement.  Ih'S  was 
accepted  by  Great  Britain  with  the  expression  of  a  hope  that  the 
old  arrangement  might  be  restored  after  peace.  This  action  ot 
Secretary  Seward  was  formally  approved  at  a  joint  session  of 
the  Congress  in  February,  1865.  Cut  at  that  time  the  triumph 
of  the  Northern  Armies  was  in  sight,  and,  before  the  six  months 
had  elapsed,  the  notice  to  terminate  the  Agreetnent  was  with- 
drawn. The  United  States  Government  informed  His  Majesty  s 
Government  that  thev  were  willing  that  the  Agreement  should 
remain  "practically"  in  force,  which  has  been  construed  to  mean 
that  the  arrangement  must  be  regarded  as  still  in  existence. 

It  would  be  hard  to  overrate  the  blessings  that  that  .Agree- 
ment has  been  to  both  countries.  It  has  been  the  keynote  of  their 
policy  of  peace  for  a  hundred  years,  and  at  the  same  time  has 
happily  influenced  the  attitude  of  both  Governments  towards  the 
whole  question  of  fortifications.  And  what  an  object  lesson  has 
been  here  for  the  rest  of  the  civilized  world.  The  longest  fron- 
tier on  the  earth's  surface  has  at  the  same  time  been  the  most 
defenseless-and  the  most  safe.  If  there  had  been  the  shghtes 
disposition  to  bad  faith  on  either  side,  the  Rush-Bagot  Agreement 
would  have  broken  down  a  score  of  times.  It  rnade  no  distinc- 
tion between  vessels  of  war  and  ships  armed  for  the  re%enue 
service,  which  remained  outside  its  restrictions ;  and  yet  neither 
side  has  ever  thought  of  taking  advantage  of  that  loop-hole  of 
evasion.  The  Agreement  just  because  it  "l^^i  '"""f,^^;"  S™^, 
will  has  outlived  all  the  conditions  of  its  birth  Sailmff  %essels 
have  given  way  to  steam,  and  wood  to  iron  and  Lakes  that  were 
then  isolated  and  independent  have  now  free  access  0  the  sea 
while  their  shores  which  were  then  almost  '""'<:^,',,^;!'l'f;,^,:';f 
now  thick  with  great  and  crowded  cities.  Sir  Wilfnd  Launer 
speaking  in  the  Commons  at  Ottawa,  six  years  ago,  used  these 
memorable  words; 

"If  my  voice  could  be  heard  that  far,  I  would  presume  to 
say  to  our  American  friends;  'there  may  be  a  spectacle,  per- 
haps   nobler  than  that  of  a  United  Continent-a  spectacle 
that  would  astound  the  world  by  its  nuvelty  mi  grandeur  - 
27 


the  spectacle  of  two  peoples  living  in  amity  side  by  side  for 
a  distance  of  four  thousand  miles  along  a  line  which  is 
hardly  visible  m  many  quarters,  with  no  cannon,  no  Runs 
frowning  across  it,  with  no  fortresses  on  cither  side  with 
no  armament  one  against  another,  but  living  in  harmony 
and  mutual  confidence,  and  with  no  other  rivalry  than  een- 
oroiis  emulation  in  the  arts  of  peace.'  T.i  the  Canadian  peo- 
ple 1  would  say  that  if  it  is  possible  for  us  to  maintain  such 
relations  between  these  two  growing  nations,  Canada  will 
have  rendered  to  Old  England  a  service  unequalled  in  its 
present  effect  and  still  more  in  its  far-reaching  consequences." 

-Surely  to-day  wc  may  sa\  that  s|)lcn(Iid  cire.-im  is  far  on  the 
way  10  realization.  From  the  .Atlantic  to  the  Pacific  the  Canadian 
frontier  line  stretches  for  three  thousand  eight  hundred  and  forty 
miles  and  its  strength  lies  not  in  armaments,  Holv  .'\lHanccs  or 
I-c-igucs  of  I'eace.  but  in  Canada's  trust  in  God  and  in  the  honor 
and  good  faith  of  its  great  neighbor.  A  cvnic  might  say  that  this 
long  line  remains  without  fortifications  on  either  side  because 
much  of  it  is  geographically  incapable  of  eflfective  military  de- 
u""Ai  ''"'  '''■'"  "'""'''  ^"^  ^  ^'"y  superficial  contention.  \\'heii 
the  Old  World  peoples  plan  a  readjustment  of  international 
boundaries  the  first  thing  done  is  to  seek  out  what  is  called  a 
strategical  frontier..  In  the  \ew  World  the  simplicit^■  of  a  unit 
of  latitude  has  sufficed.  From  the  Lake-of-the-WoixIs  to  the 
Pacific  the  forty-ninth  parallel  is  good  enough  for  us,  and  I 
doubt  not,  if  circumstances  had  permitted,  the  Equator  itself 
would  have  been  pressed  into  service  and  made  to  serve  as  an 
American  frontier  line :  and  why  this  difference  between  the  Old 
World  and  the  New?  The  only  answer  is  that  strategic  frontiers 
are  unnecessary  where  good  faith  and  mutual  trust  prevail. 

.■\t  the  same  time  and  at  this  moment,  I  cannot  but  remember 
that  there  is  another  people  that  put  its  whole  trust  in  a  treatv 
and  that  that  trust  was  betrayed,  when  Germany  struck  her  foil! 
blow  and  violated  the  frontier  of  Belgium.  And  yet,  on  the 
other  hand,  note— and  it  it  \ery  relevant  to  this  discussion— that 
Great  Britain  was  the  first  of  the  neutral  powers  to  enter  the 
war.  and  that  she  did  so  for  the  sake  of  that  same  treaty.  It 
Engl.ind.  and  the  four  Dominions  of  Canada— .Australia  South 
Africa  and  New  Zealand— are  at  war  today,  and  have  staked  their 
lives  on  the  issue,  it  is  primarily  because  they  are  minded  to  be 
faithful  to  Belgium  and  true  to  the  treatv  which  Great  Britain 
has  signed. 

,  „    '''  f"™''  «■'"'  heard  of  my  coming  here  ob.served  cynically 

So  many  vessels  have  been  driven  through  that  century  old 

agreement  that  it  is  now  but  a  thing  of  shreds  and  patches.  Over 

S.ooo   tons    of   shipping    (war   vessels)    and    near   2,000   naval 

28 


volunters  can  now  be  found  under  the  American  Hag  on  the  Great 
Lakes."  I  suspect  that  many  of  the  Summer  manoeuvres  arc 
organized  to  enable  handsome  young  Americans  to  visit  the  Lake 
watering  places  and  display  their  natty  uniforms  for  the  beneht 
of  their  lady  friends.  As  1  have  already  said,  we  live  in  a  world 
of  flux  and  change  and  if  occasion  requires  it,  why  should  the 
agreement  not  be  modified  to  fit  the  new  order  of  things,  witfi 
such  adaptation  to  the  exigencies  of  the  future  as  prudence  may 
forecast. 

Time  and  occasion  will  not  permit  of  any  but  the  briefest 
discussion  of  the  inadequacy  of  the  agreement  to  meet  the  exi- 
gencies of  the  changed  conditions  of  modern  days.  I  suppose 
the  prohibition  of  construction  of  vessels  of  war  is  tiic  principal 
source  of  trouble,  due  to  the  very  natural  desire  of  the  shipbuild- 
ing establishments,  which  have  grown  u])  on  the  L^kc  shores,  to 
share  in  the  construction  of  the  United  States  Navy. 

Is  it  possible  to  satisfy  this  wish  without  incurring  the  same 
dangers  as  were  foreseen,  and  intended  to  be  guarded  against  by 
the  treaty  made  in  1817?  The  situation  in  the  two  countries  is 
not  alike,  for,  apart  from  any  question  of  greater  facilities  for 
building  modem  warships  which  may  be  possessed  by  the  United 
States,  the  Imperial  Navy  is  not  constructed  on  this  continent  as 
the  U.  S.  Navy  is.  The  construction  of  warships  without  limita- 
tion would  largely  deprive  the  treaty  of  any  value.  It  is.  how- 
ever, difficult  to  imagine  any  restrictions  which  will  not  be  open 
to  the  same  objection  on  the  part  of  those  who  may  be  prevented 
by  them  from  obtaining  a  valuable  contract.  This  it  must  be 
remembered  will  apply  to  ships  to  be  built  for  foreign  govern- 
ments as  well  as  for  the  United  States. 

The  difficulties  to  be  met  will  be  great  and  I  cannot  attempt 
to  offer  any  satisfactory  solution  of  them.  I  gladly,  ho\vever, 
welcome  the  opportunity  of  suggesting  them  for  the  considera- 
tion of  this  assembly  of  so  much  of  the  most  eminent  legal  au- 
thority in  your  country.  If  my  remarks  should  be  the  means  of 
turning  your  attention  to  the  subject  and  your  wisdom  devise 
provision  to  attain  an  object  of  such  importance  to  the  welfare 
of  each  of  our  countries  I  shall  feel  that  I  have  not  idly  occupied 
your  time  and  for  myself  obtaine<l  a  great  reward. 


A.  H.  SPENCER,  Esq.: 

The  Mayor  has  asked  me,  ladies  and  gentlemen,  to  express 
his  regrets  at  being  obliged  to  leave,  and  to  explain  to  you  that 
the  duties  of  his  office,  with  the  speech-making  to-day  and  the 
St.  Patrick's  parades,  and  so  forth,  have  prevented  him  from 
remaining  as  long  as  he  should  have  liked. 

29 


Now,  ladies  and  gentlemen — or,  as  I  would  prefer  to  call 
you  at  this  time,  men  and  women — I  know  that  it  is  not  the  func- 
tion of  a  toastmaster  to  be  a  speechmaker,  and  I  am  not  going 
to  undertake  that  activity.  Let  me  remind  you  merely  of  this, 
that  times  are  coming — and  perhaps  they  arc  here  now — when  the 
greatest  of  all  the  sacraments  shall  present  itself  for  our  accept- 
ance— that  of  self-sacrifice.  As  a  test  of  our  willingness  to  con- 
form to  that  virtue  today  I  must  announce  that  we  had  expected 
to  be  addressed  by  General  Wood  and  all  the  arrangements  had 
been  completed  for  his  presence  with  us.  We  have  received  his 
telephone  message  that  he  is  unexpectedly  and  hurriedly  called 
to  Philadelphia,  for  reasons  I  know  not,  but  that  no  doubt  per- 
tain to  Government  duty. 

It  is  usually  unwise  and  always  dangerous  to  prophecy  or 
to  predict.  May  we  not  at  least  venture  to  say  that  we  are  enter- 
ing upon  times  when  pussyfooting,  mollycoddling,  weasel  word- 
ing or  watchful  waiting  can  be  no  longer  useful.  Upon  that  scene 
of  action  where  we  shall,  unless  all  signs  fail,  soon  be  entering, 
there  are  three  elements  with  which  we  shall  have  to  contend,  as 
they — our  allies — are  contending:  First,  open  enemies  that  shall 
tight  us  upon  land  and  sea :  they  will  be  met  by  those  whose  duty 
it  is  to  make  peace  with  the  sword,  namely,  the  Army  and  the 
Navy.  Secondly,  there  are  the  secret  plotters  and  propagandists 
of  sedition,  who  we  hope  will  be  properly  handled  by  the  Secret 
Service  and  the  Police,  and,  thirdly,  the  element  that,  ignorant 
of  Nature's  law,  the  law  which  commands  and  compels  that  con- 
stant conflict  by  which  the  human  race  and  everything  in  Nature 
continues  to  exist,  the  cessation  of  which  even  for  a  short  time 
produces  in  turn  stagnation,  attenuation  and  final  disintegration. 
Nature  will  not  stand  for  a  non-fighting  people.  She  either  en- 
slaves them  or  pushes  them  off  the  earth  to  make  room  for  a 
more  virile  race,  and  this  law,  however  harsh  it  may  seem,  we 
have  to  recognize  and  reckon  with.  There  must  be  no  sublimated 
exaltation  of  what  is  tenned  peace,  which  in  the  minds  of  many 
means  but  ;i  glorification  of  ease  and  comfort,  the  absence  of 
sacrifice  and  the  selfish  conservation  of  property. 

And  now,  shall  we  send  back  this  message  to  Canada? 
America  has  been  sluggish,  the  time  had  not  arrived,  circum- 
stances had  not  yet  formed  themselves  into  that  context  of  con- 
ditions that  encouraged  us  to  move,  however  impatient  some  of 
us  have  been.  But  we  are  being  aroused,  we  are  awakening  and 
the  wave  of  action  is  gradually — I  might  say  rapidly — coming 
over  us,  and  when  the  splendid  hour  strikes  and  war's  fierce  cry 
comes  ringing  'cross  the  sea,  America,  her  sons — and  aye,  her 
daughters  too,  whose  hearts  are  no  less  brave  than  that  their 
heads  are  wise — will  be  found  with  you  standing  shoulder  to 

30 


shoulder,  elbows  touching,  fighting  the  harder  because  of  the  very 
reluctance  with  which  they  have  been  drawn  into  the  fight. 


ROBF.RT  C.  MORRIS,  Esq. : 

I  move  a  vote  of  thanks  to  the  gentlemen  who  have  so  ably 
addressed  us  this  afternoon. 


ORMSBY  McHARG,  Esq.: 
I  second  the  motion. 


A.  H.  Sl't.MCEK,  Esq.: 

The  motion  is  unanimously  carried.     The  meeting  stands 
adjourned. 


31 


VH    '"MiTO." 


■■(•rat  or  ■.   R.   ■■K\'.  El  k  CO. 
«H  LI  amy  rriErT  ncw  yoiK 


32 


